Foreign Policy

The deadly crash of Europe’s second wave

In this most unusual year, the European summer offered the strangest feeling of all: normalcy. As the United States battled through a frightening second wave of coronavirus infections, Europe celebrated the waning of its first. Tourism was still subdued and masks were still a must. But schools for the most part ended typically, commuters returned to public transportation and office life, and social life resumed in most forms, from dinner parties to after-work drinks.

It did not last long. By autumn it was clear that a new wave of infections had arrived on the continent. By the end of the year, it was clear that the outbreaks were well beyond the control of most governments. In late December, dreaded national lockdowns in Germany, the UK, the Netherlands and beyond had returned as policy makers tried to buy time for vaccines to arrive.

Yet even as the pandemic pushed Europe to its borders, it revealed the diversity of its political unity: the continent’s response to the coronavirus followed a common pattern, but each country did so in its own way and under its own restrictions. Sometimes these differences were windows into national cultural curiosities. In other cases they have meant the difference between life and death on a large scale.

Here are the best foreign policy articles documenting how Europe dealt with its second wave.

1. It’s a new Europe – if you can keep it

by Adam Tooze, August 7th

In the doldrums leading up to the second wave of the pandemic, the European Union focused on figuring out whether it could recover economically and politically from the first. Adam Tooze records the great leap forward that Europe has made and lays the foundation for a concerted effort to deal with the coming virus-related shock waves.

“It is a remarkable achievement to act constructively in the face of deeply unpleasant facts and deep internal divisions of which the United States has so far proven conspicuously inept,” Tooze writes. “However, there is no room for European complacency. For COVID-19, this may be the end of the beginning. But the water is very rough before us. “

2. Europe doesn’t want locks. It wants government.

by Caroline de Gruyter, November 6th

Europeans largely accepted the first round of lockdowns and restrictions, and populist critics of government closures were often drowned out. But when lockdowns and other restrictive measures returned with the second wave, backlash returned too. Europe’s violent street protests against government-imposed public health restrictions attracted widespread attention, particularly as they occasionally led to violent clashes with police.

Caroline de Gruyter examines not only what the demonstrators were against, but also what they were for – namely greater security for more state protection. “Dissatisfaction is growing, as is pressure on the state to perform better in this second wave,” she writes. “But as long as citizens fear contamination, citizens want their governments to do more, not less.”

Doctors ready to load a patient infected with COVID-19 into a waiting helicopter to be transferred from the Verviers hospital to Antwerp on November 9, 2020. KENZO TRIBOUILLARD / AFP via Getty Images

3. Why does Belgium have the highest COVID-19 death rate in the world?

by Felipe Araujo, November 26th

Europe has usually served as a counterpoint to portraits of the misrule United States during the pandemic. However, some of the richest and most developed European countries are struggling the most with the pandemic – Belgium’s death rate is the worst in the world. Felipe Araujo examines what is responsible for Belgium’s disastrous public health performance by noting deep regional and political divisions and recalling that even affluent Western Europe has its own patterns of national dysfunction.

4. Switzerland opts for austerity measures compared to life

by Joseph de Weck, November 10th

Switzerland has a worldwide reputation for good government and orderly righteousness. Joseph de Weck describes how the obvious economic pragmatism, the business-first approach and the divided federal government of the country contributed to the fact that Switzerland managed the second wave this year, socially and ultimately economically catastrophic.

“The Alpine country is immune to global crises – the Swiss believe that this is the lesson from history,” writes de Weck. This has created feelings of complacency and a widespread refusal to take action that could increase government spending or harm the economy.

5. Europe needed borders. The coronavirus built it.

by Caroline de Gruyter, December 4th

At the beginning of the pandemic, much attention was paid to the resurfacing of borders within Europe as countries blocked some travel and battled for medical care. However, the pandemic has shown a more consistent development in the long term, writes Caroline de Gruyter: Europe has set limits to the outside world and thereby strengthened its own identity. Unlike previous crises, the coronavirus outbreak and the associated security loopholes actually underscored what it means to be European, a nebulous concept since the EU was founded – and long before that.

“During the euro crisis and the migration crisis, the European countries fell into the national-sovereign reflex,” writes de Gruyter. “But COVID-19 has brought Europeans closer together.”

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